TRIBAL UNDERSTANDING OF PRIESTHOOD
TRIBAL UNDERSTANDING OF
PRIESTHOOD: TOWARDS MUTUAL ENRICHMENT BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND INDIGENOUS
CULTURE
Fr Paul Lelen Haokip
paulhowkeep@yahoo.co.in
Abstract
Christifying
indigenous culture is preserving the best and modifying what needs to be
changed. While Western epistemology may promote the thinking subject supreme
over the known object, Asian approach is guided
by the principle of inter-connectedness and not by the principle of
contradiction and exclusiveness. We need dialogue between indigenous cultural wisdom and Christianity, a characteristic of
being church in Asia. Indigenous priesthood
(Thempu) of the Kuki tribe of Manipur, India, serves as a medium of
communicating love and constant intervention of God in the lives of people
through indigenous ecological care, the spirit
of sharing and detachment, respect for women, spirit of forgiveness and place
of the dead. Building on Cultural
Capital to enhance Spiritual Capital leads theologians to rethink the nature of
the Church and the form it must assume if it is to fulfill its responsibility in contemporary society. An interdisciplinary approach is absolutely
indispensable to arrive at a relevant treatment of Christianity and Tribal Indigenous
culture.
keywords: thempu, indigenous, tribal, cultural capital,
Introduction
Many tribes around the world worship in their given
ecological state of affair. Beliefs and religions seem to have arisen from
constant interactions between people and their surroundings. The life of
tribals is usually connected to nature and symbols. So also is the lifestyle of the Kukis in Manipur who are very much attached to nature and find
meaning in symbols connected to nature that surrounds
them. A strong belief in the presence of spirits in almost every creature is
very much seen in the worldview of the Kukis (Chongloi 2008).
Theology
is my understanding of God, human beings, created things, universe that guides
my life today. The coming of Christian
missionaries into Kuki land during
the latter part of the 19th century, made the Kukis to forsake their traditional religion and way of life. Hence
it has become difficult to enter into the traditional religious life of the Kukis (Changsan, 1992). The
researcher honestly attempts to provide readers the most dependable information
regarding the basic beliefs of the Indigenous Kuki Priesthood with a special role played by Thempu. To keep it more specific, this paper concentrates on the Kuki Tribal understanding of priesthood
where Christianity and Indigenous culture meet for mutual enhancement. This Thempu culture might not be the best in
the world however it may have been the best to the Kukis as all the elements for rituals were available in their surroundings,
ceremonies were conducted in their own dialect, a language close to their
hearts. There is a profoundly established intimate and intricate link between
language, life and culture (Joseph, 2017) which remain the medium of correlatedness
and communication. In this paper, I will highlight five areas where Indigenous
culture and Christianity complement each
other – indigenous ecological care, the spirit of sharing and detachment, respect for
women, spirit of forgiveness and place of the dead.
Tribal
Priesthood and Indigenous Kuki Priesthood
(Thempu)
There
is a strong consciousness of tribals to rejuvenate and preserve their own
culture, custom, tradition, belief systems. Tribals believe in the presence of
spirits almost everywhere. “The sense of God-immanent is not to be limited
solely to human-divine personal engagement. It extends across and deep within
creation. The spirit permeates all of creation; all creation in some way has
the potential to be revelatory of divine presence” (Hart, 2004, p. 102). This
phenomenon can be viewed from a sociological, anthropological, historical,
emotional, theological lens, etc. Almost every tribe
in the Northeastern part of India has had their own primal tribal priesthood
performing various acts and rituals. Till today, we worship with our tribal
dialects, use tribal costumes, dance with our pre-Christian tribal steps, above
all, enter the church with our God-given tribal mind. This is cultural capital. All these show that being indigenous
is not necessarily anti-Christian. The
created things on this earth are manifestations of the Divine. There is an
intrinsic spiritual worth in everything in the natural world and it is the
responsibility of humans to cherish and protect nature. “The humans have to
skillfully and wisely conserve the earth and then she will confer upon us
brilliance, strength, and splendour”
(Prithvi Sukta 8).
The
Kuki traditional form of priesthood
is called Thempu. The word Thempu is a combination of two
sub-words. “Them” means ‘an expert in something specific’ and “Pu” is a
masculine suffix (Haokip, 1979, p.60). Thempu is an expert in religious
concerns and a ritual expert. Before the coming of Christianity amongst the Kukis, almost every village had a Thempu, someone considered trustworthy, honest, and interested in the
welfare of the people. He was a mediator between the human world and the spirit
world. There were various roles played by Thempu
and his role seemed indelible almost in every occasion in the lives of the
village people. He was held with regard, awe, and
fear as he knew something about the spirit world. “Thempu i.e., the medicine man
or soothsayer” (Shaw, 1929) was the only option for survival and healing
when people were thought to be possessed by spirits or attacked by malevolent
spirits that were found plenty around the human
habitat.
The
voluntary post of being a Thempu was
held with high regard and reverence in the Kuki
society. He was also considered as a healer of sicknesses. He would spend a lot
of his time on rituals for various
persons in his village and neighbouring
villages. PHH5 confirmed about respect shown to a Thempu, “The mere sight of Thempu
was a blessing, a sign of health and
well-being. Thempu diagnoses
sicknesses and tells the sick about the need for particular ritual sacrifices – either, mithun, pig, goat, dog.” CJK1 was of the opinion that Thempu was more of a god-man and a
healer. He said, “Thempu does not
necessarily prepare medicine but heals people with magical words. He usually
makes a clay replica of mithuns, gongs,
cows, pots to be exchanged with the spirits when the human spirits were thought
to be imprisoned by the former.” Thempu,
though unaware of the historical Jesus’ acts of casting out demons from sick
people, nevertheless worked in parallel.
There
was no special formal training to be a Thempu.
Nonetheless, there was always a charisma pointing to becoming a Thempu. Deep down in the heart of a
person, he should have had a longing, curiosity, humility and interest to learn from elder Thempu. This inner desire and learning make him Thempu
in a later stage. When a Thempu utters words for rituals, he
purposely utters vaguely to keep that sacredness and secrecy of the mantras.
Works
of Thempu
Thempu embodied
a personality who used “the skill of attending: to listen attentively, alert to
the content, feeling and context of
communication; and to respond accurately” (Whitehead & Whitehead, 1981, p.
84). Some of the occasions where Thempu
was very prominent and needed were during Hun,
installation of Indoi, Phunsan, rituals
of Gamlahlang, Kholailang, Lhakou, Khopi Kilhaina,
Kithoina kin (Haokip, 2000), Kholhim, Chang Lhakou, Sa Lhakou,
(Haokip, 1979), birth, blessings, death ceremonies,
etc. These were moments when he had to recommend the village people to
God, spirits or perhaps request spirits to enter into peace with humans. He
takes this work not as a privilege but as a humble instrument for the welfare
of the people.
Indigenous Ecological Care
Everything in and around a Kuki was considered to have spirit. One can cut a tree for use but
should not cut a tree just for its sake. Before cutting a tree, indigenous Kuki ritual goes this way, “O tree, I
need you to warm my house, I need you to support my roof. I cut you, not out of
any sadistic nature but out of need.” Every step taken for the day-to-day survival
of humans was considered sacred. God's
blessing was invoked by Thempu in occasions of using a new stream, choosing a site for a new village, choosing a new
house site, clearing forest for Jhum cultivation, etc. Indigenous practices
of old teach us a shift from the anthropocentric
and individualistic perception of the world (Hart, 2004) to the biblically based vision of humanity unified
with its habitat, the biotic community.
From the Yahwist
account of creation, we read in Genesis 2:15 “The Lord God took the man and
placed him in the garden of Eden to till
it and take care of it.” This ‘till
it’ and ‘care’ command was to produce,
flourish and repeat itself as years go by. The present human tendency of capitalistic ownership of the garden (earth) is
not the biblical vision of the Creator. Pope
Francis cautions about human’s unlimited and selfish exploitation of ecology.
“This sister now cries out to us because of the harm we have inflicted on her
by our irresponsible use and abuse of the goods with which God has endowed her.
We have come to see ourselves as her lords and masters, entitled to plunder her
at will” (Laudato Si, 2).
Sharing and Detachment
The
earth is a common home, we are guests on this earth. We were born empty and we cannot carry any material things after
death. Chang Ai was a voluntary fest
hosted by a person for the rich harvest of paddy in a particular year. This
encourages the owner of the paddy not to hoard up but share the paddy to people
by feeding the whole village. This is a thanksgiving gesture and a sign of generosity
and detachment. CTT20 confirms of Chang
Ai fest.
If
someone has taken about 1000 baskets of
paddy, the mother of that family will celebrate Chang Ai as a sign of gratitude to God and she will offer a feast
to the villagers. All the ladies of the village will go to the field of that
lady to carry paddy. When they return with paddy bags, the lady of the house is
seated on the veranda of her house. Thempu performs vaiphit (spraying of local
wine) over the head of the household lady saying ‘Today is your day of honour, you are a hard worker, may you be
blessed further.’
Sa
Ai feast was conducted by a great hunter who has shot down many big animals. Sa Ai was performed to thank God and
also to declare to the village about his achievements. This ritual is confirmed
by CJK17.
All
the heads of the animals the man had hunted will be exhibited at the entrance
of his house. A mere number of animals is not enough. He had to kill
animals like Yak, Tiger, Lion, Elephant Bear, Stag, Hornbill, etc. The big
animals will be exposed at the top and the small animals will be at the bottom.
GKZ1
has similar words of affirmation and description of Sa Ai.
During
Sa Ai, there is the custom of
drinking local beer (vaiju). While
sipping vaiju,
those married men who have not killed animals are asked to stand and take a
support with the strap of a basket as a sign of shame and defeat. Those who
have killed animals will be seated at the front with a turban called Mangvom. The unmarried, newly married
men, were not allowed to partake of the wine provided.
CTT21
further endorse the reality of this fest.
This
ritual is done to thank God. Belief is that
when he dies, he has to go along with those animals he has killed. When a great
hunter is about to die but finds difficult to die, Thempu comes and performs a ritual for his peaceful death saying, “Gather
all the animals you have killed and go
peacefully”. This ritual is to accompany the dying person to a peaceful death.
The spirituality of feeding others is that nothing permanently
belongs to an individual. A good hunter hunts to feed neighbours; a hard worker in the paddy field harvests for those
around her. The Christian ethic of non-attachment, the spirit of sharing and of awareness of being pilgrims on this earth
are clearly honoured in these practices.
Respect for
women (Mankhum)
The indigenous Kuki
culture practices the bride-price (Mankhum) in marriage. In some clans, the
bride-price is more or less fixed with animals and traditional elements – shawls,
lungis for women, necklaces, gongs, money, mithuns, etc. With marriage, the man
becomes closely connected to the family of his wife. He pays the first
bride-price at the earliest settlement of the marriage. Until the death of his
wife, he continues to pay the bride-price in some forms, at different
intervals. However rich or influential, he cannot exhaust payment of bride-price
as long as his wife is alive. So, there is only one more chance to clear his
due bride-price, that happens only after the death of his wife, before her
burial rite begins. This practice signifies that a ‘woman’ is worth more than
money and material wealth.
While the dead body lies, the
husband (and his relatives, Bepa) are supposed to know the customary practice –
to clear off the last payment of bride-price to the responsible family member
of his dead wife. Then the maternal uncles of the lady perform the Ahkeng Khai. After this customary regard,
Thempu and elders decide for the digging
of the grave and burial ritual begins.
Spirit of
Forgiveness (Thu Thang and Ahkeng Khai)
In the case of infidelity (adultery, sexual offences), the man was cornered by the elders
in a closed room. This kind of news is called Thu thang/ Thu Se which means “bad news, unwanted news, dirty news”.
Matters regarding the offence and fine to
be imposed was decided by village elders. Then, reconciliation is brought about between the affected parties
through a fellowship meal. The meat from this fellowship meal is shared by the
elders of the village who are above 60 years. The young unmarried men and
women, young married people were forbidden to partake of this meal, else this
kind of misfortune befall them. Words about this issue are not permitted to be talked about in the village. In case, a child hears and talks about it, the
mother or father would say like this, “Do not laugh at others, it may occur to you
in the future.” In this indigenous manner,
offenders were given a second chance to
become better persons in life. This is forgiveness – a Christian value practiced even before becoming Christians. “Lord,
how many times should I forgive my brother if he wrongs against me?”… (Matthew
18:21-22). Unlimited forgiveness is proposed by Jesus, but we humans have
limited the number.
Some
of the pre-Christian indigenous culture followed
by the Kuki society under the
patronage of Thempu were very
Christian in nature. Kuki society was
and is adorned with many customary laws and rituals even until today. Even after death, these rituals
and customary laws were faithfully guarded. Ahkeng Khai was a customary law performed
whenever someone died. That was an exterior sign of reconciliation. The words
of JTH9 affirm the practice of Ahkeng
Khai.
When
someone dies, Putes (maternal uncles)
are supposed to sacrifice a chicken in the house of the dead as a sign that
they have no grudge against the dead person. Until this is done, the Thempu and others will not speak about
burial or digging of a grave.
This is to mean that the womb that nurtured you, the
ancestors of your mother hold no grudge against you as you leave for the
village of the dead (Mithikho). Reconciliation
was considered needed for safe passage to the gate of Mithikho. They believed that the living would one day meet the dead in that village. So, they
need to forgive each other.
Place of meeting after Death
In
the Kuki society, death was
considered a moment of corporal separation. After death, they spoke about a
place of stay call Mithikho (village of the dead). The concept
of Mithikho
is not very clear. There are less concrete examples to cite and argue for its
authenticity. But, they believed. Those who have killed animals or harvested
plenty of paddy and fed the villagers
through Chang Ai, Sa Ai, etc., were thought
to be given an honoured place in the
village of the dead.
Conclusion
The
comment of JTH7 is worth a quote when he said, “With the coming of Christian
missionaries and condemnation of Kuki
cultural practices, we lost many traditional wisdom and practices. There is an
alienation from Kuki indigenous
roots, cultural practices; even abhorrence of the olden day’s practices of our
ancestors.” Almost every ritual
performed was a theologically oriented interaction for the witnesses and
attendees. Even if we do not accept all that Thempu did, we can sure borrow some concepts and rituals to enhance
Christianity. This would be worshipping God in our own language, culture and understanding. This approach would
naturally enrich the imported alien western Christianity. The question today is
“Can the Kuki tribals be still
Christians without being influenced by western Christianity?” The rediscovery of one’s traditional worldview
of life is the need of the hour. Hemkholun
Haokip said, “Insights from the traditional Kuki
tribal worldview may enrich the Christian understanding of human beings and
their conduct.” The rich indigenous heritage handed down through custom and
culture can be reinvented, rediscovered and relived.
“Culture is more than what we have inherited from the
past; it is also, and above all, a living, dynamic and participatory present
reality, which cannot be excluded as we rethink the relationship between human
beings and the environment” (Laudato Si, 143). Presence of the spirit in the creation and the healing power of the spirit
can be realized to its maximum in the
interface of Christianity and Indigenous cultural heritage. When indigenous ecological care, the spirit of sharing and detachment, respect for
women, spirit of forgiveness and place of the dead become cultural capital,
spiritual capital from scripture and tradition can be authentically promoted
for the common good. This is like awakening the third eye to see the reality
within with its possibilities – to concentrate
on nature, others, and life to come. There is a room to appreciate the
patterns within our cultural capital towards mutual enhancement of Christianity
and Indigenous Culture. Indigenous culture can be considered as footprints of
God on earth.
References
Changsan, D.M.
(1992). Basic Beliefs of the Traditional
Kuki Religion. Journal of Dharma:
Dharmaram Journal of Religions and
Philosophies, 17, 98-109.
Chongloi, H. (2008). Indoi:
A Study of Primal Kuki Religious Symbolism in the
Hermeneutical Framework of Mircea Eliade.
Delhi: ISPCK.
Haokip, L. (2000). Thempuho Thu. Churachandpur: Maranatha
Printers.
Haokip, P. (1979). Kuki Culture and the Christian Message:
Theologizing in the context of
Kuki culture.
(Unpublished: A Paper Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for
the Master’s Degree in Theology, Jnana-Deepa Vidyapeeth, Institute of
Philosophy and Religion, Pune)
Hart, John. (2004). What are they saying about Environmental
Theology? New York: Paulist
Press.
Joseph, U.V. (2017).
Family-Oriented Religious Literature: Focus on Vernacular Languages.
Oriens Journal for Contextual Theology,
VIII, 127-141.
Shaw, William. (1929). Notes on the Thadou Kukis. Edited with Introduction, Notes,
Appendices, Illustrations and Index, by J.H. Hutton,
Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Whitehead, E.A., &
Whitehead, J.D. (1981). Method in Ministry: Theological Reflection and
Christian Ministry,
New York: The Seabury Press.
Comments
Post a Comment