TRIBAL UNDERSTANDING OF PRIESTHOOD


TRIBAL UNDERSTANDING OF PRIESTHOOD: TOWARDS MUTUAL ENRICHMENT BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND INDIGENOUS CULTURE                                                             

Fr Paul Lelen Haokip
paulhowkeep@yahoo.co.in

Abstract
Christifying indigenous culture is preserving the best and modifying what needs to be changed. While Western epistemology may promote the thinking subject supreme over the known object, Asian approach is guided by the principle of inter-connectedness and not by the principle of contradiction and exclusiveness. We need dialogue between indigenous cultural wisdom and Christianity, a characteristic of being church in Asia. Indigenous priesthood (Thempu) of the Kuki tribe of Manipur, India, serves as a medium of communicating love and constant intervention of God in the lives of people through indigenous ecological care, the spirit of sharing and detachment, respect for women, spirit of forgiveness and place of the dead.  Building on Cultural Capital to enhance Spiritual Capital leads theologians to rethink the nature of the Church and the form it must assume if it is to fulfill its responsibility in contemporary society. An interdisciplinary approach is absolutely indispensable to arrive at a relevant treatment of Christianity and Tribal Indigenous culture.

            keywords: thempu, indigenous, tribal, cultural capital,


Introduction
            Many tribes around the world worship in their given ecological state of affair. Beliefs and religions seem to have arisen from constant interactions between people and their surroundings. The life of tribals is usually connected to nature and symbols. So also is the lifestyle of the Kukis in Manipur who are very much attached to nature and find meaning in symbols connected to nature that surrounds them. A strong belief in the presence of spirits in almost every creature is very much seen in the worldview of the Kukis (Chongloi 2008).
Theology is my understanding of God, human beings, created things, universe that guides my life today. The coming of Christian missionaries into Kuki land during the latter part of the 19th century, made the Kukis to forsake their traditional religion and way of life. Hence it has become difficult to enter into the traditional religious life of the Kukis (Changsan, 1992). The researcher honestly attempts to provide readers the most dependable information regarding the basic beliefs of the Indigenous Kuki Priesthood with a special role played by Thempu. To keep it more specific, this paper concentrates on the Kuki Tribal understanding of priesthood where Christianity and Indigenous culture meet for mutual enhancement. This Thempu culture might not be the best in the world however it may have been the best to the Kukis as all the elements for rituals were available in their surroundings, ceremonies were conducted in their own dialect, a language close to their hearts. There is a profoundly established intimate and intricate link between language, life and culture (Joseph, 2017) which remain the medium of correlatedness and communication. In this paper, I will highlight five areas where Indigenous culture and Christianity complement each other – indigenous ecological care, the spirit of sharing and detachment, respect for women, spirit of forgiveness and place of the dead. 
Tribal Priesthood and Indigenous Kuki Priesthood (Thempu)
There is a strong consciousness of tribals to rejuvenate and preserve their own culture, custom, tradition, belief systems. Tribals believe in the presence of spirits almost everywhere. “The sense of God-immanent is not to be limited solely to human-divine personal engagement. It extends across and deep within creation. The spirit permeates all of creation; all creation in some way has the potential to be revelatory of divine presence” (Hart, 2004, p. 102). This phenomenon can be viewed from a sociological, anthropological, historical, emotional, theological lens, etc. Almost every tribe in the Northeastern part of India has had their own primal tribal priesthood performing various acts and rituals. Till today, we worship with our tribal dialects, use tribal costumes, dance with our pre-Christian tribal steps, above all, enter the church with our God-given tribal mind. This is cultural capital. All these show that being indigenous is not necessarily anti-Christian. The created things on this earth are manifestations of the Divine. There is an intrinsic spiritual worth in everything in the natural world and it is the responsibility of humans to cherish and protect nature. “The humans have to skillfully and wisely conserve the earth and then she will confer upon us brilliance, strength, and splendour” (Prithvi Sukta 8).
The Kuki traditional form of priesthood is called Thempu. The word Thempu is a combination of two sub-words. “Them” means ‘an expert in something specific’ and “Pu” is a masculine suffix (Haokip, 1979, p.60).  Thempu is an expert in religious concerns and a ritual expert. Before the coming of Christianity amongst the Kukis, almost every village had a Thempu, someone considered trustworthy, honest, and interested in the welfare of the people. He was a mediator between the human world and the spirit world. There were various roles played by Thempu and his role seemed indelible almost in every occasion in the lives of the village people. He was held with regard, awe, and fear as he knew something about the spirit world. “Thempu i.e., the medicine man or soothsayer” (Shaw, 1929) was the only option for survival and healing when people were thought to be possessed by spirits or attacked by malevolent spirits that were found plenty around the human habitat.
The voluntary post of being a Thempu was held with high regard and reverence in the Kuki society. He was also considered as a healer of sicknesses. He would spend a lot of his time on rituals for various persons in his village and neighbouring villages. PHH5 confirmed about respect shown to a Thempu, “The mere sight of Thempu was a blessing, a sign of health and well-being. Thempu diagnoses sicknesses and tells the sick about the need for particular ritual sacrifices – either, mithun, pig, goat, dog.” CJK1 was of the opinion that Thempu was more of a god-man and a healer. He said, “Thempu does not necessarily prepare medicine but heals people with magical words. He usually makes a clay replica of mithuns, gongs, cows, pots to be exchanged with the spirits when the human spirits were thought to be imprisoned by the former.” Thempu, though unaware of the historical Jesus’ acts of casting out demons from sick people, nevertheless worked in parallel.
There was no special formal training to be a Thempu. Nonetheless, there was always a charisma pointing to becoming a Thempu. Deep down in the heart of a person, he should have had a longing, curiosity, humility and interest to learn from elder Thempu. This inner desire and learning make him Thempu in a later stage. When a Thempu utters words for rituals, he purposely utters vaguely to keep that sacredness and secrecy of the mantras.
Works of Thempu    
Thempu embodied a personality who used “the skill of attending: to listen attentively, alert to the content, feeling and context of communication; and to respond accurately” (Whitehead & Whitehead, 1981, p. 84). Some of the occasions where Thempu was very prominent and needed were during Hun, installation of Indoi, Phunsan, rituals of Gamlahlang, Kholailang, Lhakou, Khopi Kilhaina, Kithoina kin (Haokip, 2000), Kholhim, Chang Lhakou, Sa Lhakou, (Haokip, 1979), birth, blessings, death ceremonies, etc. These were moments when he had to recommend the village people to God, spirits or perhaps request spirits to enter into peace with humans. He takes this work not as a privilege but as a humble instrument for the welfare of the people.
            Indigenous Ecological Care
            Everything in and around a Kuki was considered to have spirit. One can cut a tree for use but should not cut a tree just for its sake. Before cutting a tree, indigenous Kuki ritual goes this way, “O tree, I need you to warm my house, I need you to support my roof. I cut you, not out of any sadistic nature but out of need.” Every step taken for the day-to-day survival of humans was considered sacred. God's blessing was invoked by Thempu in occasions of using a new stream, choosing a site for a new village, choosing a new house site, clearing forest for Jhum cultivation, etc. Indigenous practices of old teach us a shift from the anthropocentric and individualistic perception of the world (Hart, 2004) to the biblically based vision of humanity unified with its habitat, the biotic community.
            From the Yahwist account of creation, we read in Genesis 2:15 “The Lord God took the man and placed him in the garden of Eden to till it and take care of it.” This ‘till it’ and ‘care’ command was to produce, flourish and repeat itself as years go by. The present human tendency of capitalistic ownership of the garden (earth) is not the biblical vision of the Creator.  Pope Francis cautions about human’s unlimited and selfish exploitation of ecology. “This sister now cries out to us because of the harm we have inflicted on her by our irresponsible use and abuse of the goods with which God has endowed her. We have come to see ourselves as her lords and masters, entitled to plunder her at will” (Laudato Si, 2).
            Sharing and Detachment
The earth is a common home, we are guests on this earth. We were born empty and we cannot carry any material things after death. Chang Ai was a voluntary fest hosted by a person for the rich harvest of paddy in a particular year. This encourages the owner of the paddy not to hoard up but share the paddy to people by feeding the whole village. This is a thanksgiving gesture and a sign of generosity and detachment. CTT20 confirms of Chang Ai fest.
If someone has taken about 1000 baskets of paddy, the mother of that family will celebrate Chang Ai as a sign of gratitude to God and she will offer a feast to the villagers. All the ladies of the village will go to the field of that lady to carry paddy. When they return with paddy bags, the lady of the house is seated on the veranda of her house. Thempu performs vaiphit (spraying of local wine) over the head of the household lady saying ‘Today is your day of honour, you are a hard worker, may you be blessed further.’
Sa Ai feast was conducted by a great hunter who has shot down many big animals. Sa Ai was performed to thank God and also to declare to the village about his achievements. This ritual is confirmed by CJK17.
All the heads of the animals the man had hunted will be exhibited at the entrance of his house. A mere number of animals is not enough. He had to kill animals like Yak, Tiger, Lion, Elephant Bear, Stag, Hornbill, etc. The big animals will be exposed at the top and the small animals will be at the bottom.
GKZ1 has similar words of affirmation and description of Sa Ai.
During Sa Ai, there is the custom of drinking local beer (vaiju). While sipping vaiju, those married men who have not killed animals are asked to stand and take a support with the strap of a basket as a sign of shame and defeat. Those who have killed animals will be seated at the front with a turban called Mangvom. The unmarried, newly married men, were not allowed to partake of the wine provided.
CTT21 further endorse the reality of this fest.
This ritual is done to thank God. Belief is that when he dies, he has to go along with those animals he has killed. When a great hunter is about to die but finds difficult to die, Thempu comes and performs a ritual for his peaceful death saying, “Gather all the animals you have killed and go peacefully”. This ritual is to accompany the dying person to a peaceful death.
            The spirituality of feeding others is that nothing permanently belongs to an individual. A good hunter hunts to feed neighbours; a hard worker in the paddy field harvests for those around her. The Christian ethic of non-attachment, the spirit of sharing and of awareness of being pilgrims on this earth are clearly honoured in these practices.
            Respect for women (Mankhum)
            The indigenous Kuki culture practices the bride-price (Mankhum) in marriage. In some clans, the bride-price is more or less fixed with animals and traditional elements – shawls, lungis for women, necklaces, gongs, money, mithuns, etc. With marriage, the man becomes closely connected to the family of his wife. He pays the first bride-price at the earliest settlement of the marriage. Until the death of his wife, he continues to pay the bride-price in some forms, at different intervals. However rich or influential, he cannot exhaust payment of bride-price as long as his wife is alive. So, there is only one more chance to clear his due bride-price, that happens only after the death of his wife, before her burial rite begins. This practice signifies that a ‘woman’ is worth more than money and material wealth.  
            While the dead body lies, the husband (and his relatives, Bepa) are supposed to know the customary practice – to clear off the last payment of bride-price to the responsible family member of his dead wife. Then the maternal uncles of the lady perform the Ahkeng Khai. After this customary regard, Thempu and elders decide for the digging of the grave and burial ritual begins.
            Spirit of Forgiveness (Thu Thang and Ahkeng Khai)
            In the case of infidelity (adultery, sexual offences), the man was cornered by the elders in a closed room. This kind of news is called Thu thang/ Thu Se which means “bad news, unwanted news, dirty news”. Matters regarding the offence and fine to be imposed was decided by village elders. Then, reconciliation is brought about between the affected parties through a fellowship meal. The meat from this fellowship meal is shared by the elders of the village who are above 60 years. The young unmarried men and women, young married people were forbidden to partake of this meal, else this kind of misfortune befall them. Words about this issue are not permitted to be talked about in the village. In case, a child hears and talks about it, the mother or father would say like this, “Do not laugh at others, it may occur to you in the future.” In this indigenous manner, offenders were given a second chance to become better persons in life. This is forgiveness – a Christian value practiced even before becoming Christians. “Lord, how many times should I forgive my brother if he wrongs against me?”… (Matthew 18:21-22). Unlimited forgiveness is proposed by Jesus, but we humans have limited the number.
Some of the pre-Christian indigenous culture followed by the Kuki society under the patronage of Thempu were very Christian in nature. Kuki society was and is adorned with many customary laws and rituals even until today. Even after death, these rituals and customary laws were faithfully guarded. Ahkeng Khai was a customary law performed whenever someone died. That was an exterior sign of reconciliation. The words of JTH9 affirm the practice of Ahkeng Khai.
When someone dies, Putes (maternal uncles) are supposed to sacrifice a chicken in the house of the dead as a sign that they have no grudge against the dead person. Until this is done, the Thempu and others will not speak about burial or digging of a grave.
            This is to mean that the womb that nurtured you, the ancestors of your mother hold no grudge against you as you leave for the village of the dead (Mithikho). Reconciliation was considered needed for safe passage to the gate of Mithikho. They believed that the living would one day meet the dead in that village. So, they need to forgive each other.

             Place of meeting after Death
In the Kuki society, death was considered a moment of corporal separation. After death, they spoke about a place of stay call Mithikho (village of the dead). The concept of Mithikho is not very clear. There are less concrete examples to cite and argue for its authenticity. But, they believed. Those who have killed animals or harvested plenty of paddy and fed the villagers through Chang Ai, Sa Ai, etc., were thought to be given an honoured place in the village of the dead.
Conclusion
The comment of JTH7 is worth a quote when he said, “With the coming of Christian missionaries and condemnation of Kuki cultural practices, we lost many traditional wisdom and practices. There is an alienation from Kuki indigenous roots, cultural practices; even abhorrence of the olden day’s practices of our ancestors.”  Almost every ritual performed was a theologically oriented interaction for the witnesses and attendees. Even if we do not accept all that Thempu did, we can sure borrow some concepts and rituals to enhance Christianity. This would be worshipping God in our own language, culture and understanding. This approach would naturally enrich the imported alien western Christianity. The question today is “Can the Kuki tribals be still Christians without being influenced by western Christianity?” The rediscovery of one’s traditional worldview of life is the need of the hour. Hemkholun Haokip said, “Insights from the traditional Kuki tribal worldview may enrich the Christian understanding of human beings and their conduct.” The rich indigenous heritage handed down through custom and culture can be reinvented, rediscovered and relived.
            “Culture is more than what we have inherited from the past; it is also, and above all, a living, dynamic and participatory present reality, which cannot be excluded as we rethink the relationship between human beings and the environment” (Laudato Si, 143). Presence of the spirit in the creation and the healing power of the spirit can be realized to its maximum in the interface of Christianity and Indigenous cultural heritage. When indigenous ecological care, the spirit of sharing and detachment, respect for women, spirit of forgiveness and place of the dead become cultural capital, spiritual capital from scripture and tradition can be authentically promoted for the common good. This is like awakening the third eye to see the reality within with its possibilities – to concentrate on nature, others, and life to come. There is a room to appreciate the patterns within our cultural capital towards mutual enhancement of Christianity and Indigenous Culture. Indigenous culture can be considered as footprints of God on earth.

References
Changsan, D.M. (1992).  Basic Beliefs of the Traditional Kuki Religion. Journal of Dharma:
Dharmaram Journal of Religions and Philosophies, 17, 98-109.
Chongloi, H. (2008). Indoi: A Study of Primal Kuki Religious Symbolism in the
Hermeneutical Framework of Mircea Eliade. Delhi: ISPCK.
Haokip, L. (2000). Thempuho Thu. Churachandpur: Maranatha Printers.
Haokip, P. (1979). Kuki Culture and the Christian Message: Theologizing in the context of
Kuki culture. (Unpublished: A Paper Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Master’s Degree in Theology, Jnana-Deepa Vidyapeeth, Institute of Philosophy and Religion, Pune)
Hart, John. (2004). What are they saying about Environmental Theology? New York: Paulist
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Joseph, U.V. (2017). Family-Oriented Religious Literature: Focus on Vernacular Languages.
Oriens Journal for Contextual Theology, VIII, 127-141.
Shaw, William. (1929). Notes on the Thadou Kukis. Edited with Introduction, Notes,
Appendices, Illustrations and Index, by J.H. Hutton, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Whitehead, E.A., & Whitehead, J.D. (1981). Method in Ministry: Theological Reflection and
Christian Ministry, New York: The Seabury Press.       


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